The first part is a discussion of the typical difficulties encountered in the making of commons in general. In the second part he analyses a number of typical problems that the constituent community of the knowledge commons, especially universities, their faculties and students, must face in preventing a “tragedy of the knowledge commons.”
The book collects over a hundred sharing-related case studies and model policies from more than 80 cities in 35 countries and and serves as a practical reference guide for community-based solutions to urgent challenges faced by cities everywhere.
The starting point for this essay is the problematic of organisation together with the conceptual role of property in social organisation. A map of the essay was followed by a selective review of the social history of the perennial nature of creative resistance to capitalism.
U publikaciji “Model zadružnog organizovanja po meri nestandardnih radnika” predstavljeni su rezultati uporedne analize modela zadruga koji okupljaju samostalne radnike (samozaposlene, frilensere, samostalne umetnike itd.), i koje su osnovane sa ciljem da se smanji prekarnost kojoj je ova grupa radnika izložena.
"Životno delo", kako je samo autor nazvao ovu knjigu, predstavlja sveobuhvatnu studiju političke ekonomije socijalizma koja je pokušaj sintetičkog pregleda uslova u kojima se vodi neprekidna borba između kapitalističkih durštvenih odnosa i tendencija da se ti odnosi pretvore u socijalističke. On smatra da je podela sveta na kapitalistički i socijalistički blok (u drugoj polovini 20. veka) površna ocena jer: "...jedini važan interes, zajednički i jednom i drugom bloku, jest spriječiti pravi socijalistički razvoj bilo gdje u svijetu." Knjiga je najpre objavljena na engleskom jeziku, u Njujorku, gde je doživela veliki uspeh, a tek naknadno je prevedena na srpskohrvatski jezik i objavljena u Jugoslaviji.
The past decades have seen significant urban insurrections worldwide, and this volume analyzes some of them from an anthropological perspective; it argues that transformations of urban class relationships must be approached in a way that is both globally informed and deeply embedded in local and popular histories, and contends that every case of urban mobilization should be understood against its precise context in the global capitalist transformation. The book examines cases of mobilization across the globe, and employs a Marxian class framework, open to the diverse and multi-scalar dynamics of urban politics, especially struggles for spatial justice.
The authors develop the theory of the commons by strengthening its link with a Marxist critique of capitalism. In order to do so, they draw parallels between the work of Elinor Ostrom on principles of sustainable governance and Branko Horvat’s theory of self-management developed in the context of socialist Yugoslavia.
Praktičan vodič objašnjava pojmove lizinga u domenu rada i radnih prava, objašnjava zakonski okvir radnog prava u Srbiji, prenosi iskustva i preporuke iz međunarodnog konteksta i preporučuje promene koje je neophodno napraviti da bi se ublažio pritisak na radnike.
In this paper the author will explore a complementary problem: in what ways might Basic Income be seen as a structural reform of capitalism that would facilitate a movement in the direction of socialism?
Nema tehničkog rešenja za populacioni problem. Zahteva fundamentalno proširenje u moralnosti.
Autori žele da pokažu zašto se princip komonsa nameće danas kao centralni termin političke alternative za 21. vek: on povezuje antikapitalističku borbu i političku ekologiju povratkom na "zajedničko" nasuprot novih formi privatne i državne aproprijacije.
My intention is to say something about the potential of the commons as a political project.
Knjiga (na francuskom jeziku) je zbirka tekstova dvadeset autora, uglavnom francuskih, koji se bave promenama u konceptu korišćenja digitalnih platformi za dostupnost znanja i rezultata rada u umetnosti, nauci i drugim oblastima znanja.
Dijelovi ove knjige možda mogu biti prihvaćeni kao uputnice u alternativne prakse pozajedničenja (commoning) koje u teoriji odrasta (degrowth) označavaju imaginarij izlaska iz okvira kapitalizma.
From the review by Ana Vujanović: The political theorist Isabell Lorey has appeared as one of the most striking European voices in the recent debate on precarity and precarization in neoliberalism. Her theoretical discourse draws from the referential frameworks of political and biopolitical theory, feminism, gender and postcolonial studies, as well as of recent social and political movements, such as Euromayday, Occupy and 15-M. This invigorating and politically sharp intersection has created a potent critical platform for analyzing representative democracy, biopolitical governmentality, immunization, and precarization, which belong to Lorey's main concerns. Isabell Lorey is particularly concerned with the neoliberal “state of insecurity” and how it relates to the process of precarization. In fact, although the book is entitled State of Insecurity, it could also be considered a sequel of Lorey’s long-term research on precarity, a sequel that focuses on how precarization is immersed in neoliberal government of and by insecurity. The line that opens the book reads: “If we fail to understand precarization, then we understand neither the politics nor the economy of the present."
This paper will explore contemporary practices of urban commoning while attempting to construct a theoretical argument on the inherently emancipating potentialities of common space.
Ovo je rezultat rada na analizi efekata i rezultata dvogodišnjeg sprovođenja Zakona o radu donetog 2014. godine. Na analizi je radio tim stručnjaka koji je obradio rezultate ispitivanja različitih grupa aktera (sindikati, poslodavci, državna tela, nevladine organizacije...) i uz konsultacije za drugim zainteresovanim stranama (Ministarstvo za rad, zapošljavanje boračka i socijalna pitanja, Nacionalna služba zapošljavanja, Međunarodna organizacija rada, Savez samostalnih sindikata Srbije, Unija poslodavaca, Beogradski centar za ljudska prava...).
Architecture and urban design are usually seen as tools of dominant spatial practices. They are either believed to mask the interests of power and money, or to represent aesthetic concerns that have little to offer for critical theory of space. I counter this view by showing that through rethinking the conception of space in architecture and urban design, as well as the notion of design itself, it is possible to outline a critical and emancipatory design practice, experiential urbanism.
U svetu u kojem prava privatne svojine i profitne stope istiskuju sve druge koncepcije prava, autor istražuje pravo na grad u kontekstu oživljavanja interesovanja za ideje Anrija Lefevra o tom pitanju, kao i pojavu svih vrsta društvenih pokreta širom sveta.
The article advocates for preservation of the public libraries in the situation when they are being closed due to the withdrawal of public funds for such purposes.
Some people think universal basic income is a utopian impossibility. Others think it’s dangerous. So there’s a proposal for another solution: universal basic services. Instead of giving people money, why not guarantee all of the public services they need to live a full life?
Precarisation is one of the central concepts of Lorey's research and writing. In this article she aims at explaining the term further dissecting three dimensions of the precarious: precariousness, precarity, and governmental precarization. Her theoretical contribution is of great importance for understanding the world of "cultural producers" in neoliberal society.
Ova studija ima za cilj da pokaže koje alternative postojećem dogmatskom prihvatanju divljeg neoliberalizma i predatorskog kapitalizma u Srbiji postoje, kao i kako se one mogu implementirati kroz izmene radnog zakonodavstva. Prvi deo studije odnosi se na kritičku analizu osnovnih postulata na kojima počivaju nedavne i najavljene buduće izmene propisa. Potom će se u naredna dva dela predstaviti individualna i kolektivna prava zaposlenih, uz predloge konkretnih izmena propisa koje bi mogle dovesti do implementacije alternativnih rešenja za normiranje radnih odnosa. Konačno, u zaključnim razmatranjima će se posvetiti pažnja sintezi svega iznetog u ocenu sistema koji bi potencijalno mogao da funkcioniše kao samostalan i uspešan, u datim okolnostima u Srbiji. Osnovna hipoteza kojom se analiza rukovodi jeste da su alternative trenutnom stanju ne samo moguće (u normativnom i ekonomskom smislu) već i nužne i racionalne, jer aktuelne politike ne mogu održati čak ni trenutno stanje na duži rok. Budući da u trci do dna dno zapravo ne postoji, jer se uvek može otići korak niže od konkurenata u privlačenju investicija, jedini dugoročni plan može biti napuštanje trenutnih odnosa i jačanje kontrolne i socijalne uloge države. U analizi se odlazi i korak dalje pa se osim nužnosti postojanja alternativa, one razvijaju a ponekad i konkretno normativno uobličavaju. Kroz istraživanje se dakle postavljaju pitanja ali se daju i odgovori, koji mogu biti tumačeni i primenjeni u daljoj praksi i politikama u skladu sa individualnim pogledima i stavovima, ali suštinski nude rešenja zasnovana na nekim univerzalnim vrednostima koja predstavljaju civilizacijsko dostignuće, koja se zasnivaju na osnovama ljudskih prava i sloboda i nadogradnji kroz praksu univerzalnih i regionalnih instrumenata i tela, i čija primena niti u jednom trenutku ne sme postati upitna.
In "The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning & Black Study", Moten and Harney examine the University, Debt, Politics and Logistics to help us grasp how these (and other) institutions, organizations and capitalist mechanisms (including the State as an agent of capital) reduce our ability to empathize, our capacity for true learning and our ability to love. Moten and Harney define the “The Undercommons” as “Maroon communities of composition teachers, mentorless graduate students, adjunct Marxist historians, out or queer management professors, state college ethnic studies departments, closed-down film programs, visa-expired Yemeni student newspaper editors, historically black college sociologists, and feminist engineers ” that “refuse to ask for recognition and instead want to take apart, dismantle, tear down the structure that, right now, limits our ability to find each other, to see beyond it and to access the places we know lie beyond its walls. ” The structure itself is holding us back; as we pour our energies into combatting mass incarceration, debt-slavery, and the professionalization of intellect, Moten and Harney argue that we only buttress the society that makes such singularly anti-human calamities possible in the first place...
Istraživačko-umetnički projekat Umetnik/ca u (ne)radu (održan u Novom Sadu između 2010. i 2012.godine) obuhvatao je seriju javnih razgovora, izložbi i publikacija, fokusiranih na istraživanje umetničkih i društvenih praksi koje kritički reflektuju savremeni pojam rada – uslove u kojima se rad ostvaruje, nove društvene potrebe i odnose koje rad proizvodi. Takođe, cilj je bio elaboriranje relativno neistraženog polja istorije umetnosti koje obuhvata prakse koje predstavljaju ekstrem na liniji ovog istraživanja – odluke umetnika/ca da napuste bavljenje umetnošću i produkciju umetničkih dela, propagirajući koncept nerada i „besposličarenja“ (idleness, slacking).
"The discourse on precarization that has emerged in the past decade, primarily in Europe, rests on an extremely complex understanding of social insecurity and its productivity. The various strands of this discourse have been brought together again and again in the context of the European precarious movement organised under EuroMayDay....What is unusual about this social movement is not only the way in which under its auspices new forms of political struggle are tested and new perspectives of precarizatin developed; rather - and it is striking in relation to other social movements - it is how it has queered a seemingly disparate fields of the cultural and political again and again. In the past decade, conversations concerning both the (partly subversive) knowledge of the precarious and a search for commons (in order to constitute the political), has conspicuously taken place more in art institution than in social, political, or even academic contexts."
Tema teksta je odnos levice prema prirodnim resursima u kontekstu održivijeg razvoja ljudskog društva koje neće biti fokusirano na profit nego na potrebe ljudi.
The governance of natural resources used by many individuals in common is an issue of increasing concern to policy analysts. Both state control and privatization of resources have been advocated, but neither the state nor the market have been uniformly successful in solving common pool resource problems. After critiquing the foundations of policy analysis as applied to natural resources, Elinor Ostrom here provides a unique body of empirical data to explore conditions under which common pool resource problems have been satisfactorily or unsatisfactorily solved.
Univerzalne osnovne usluge (universal basic services) su recentna ideja koja je privukla veliku pažnju javnosti zbog potencijala da redefiniše državu blagostanja i uspešno odgovori na izazove 21. veka. Univerzalne osnovne usluge podrazumevaju proširenje opsega besplatnih javnih usluga koji će osigurati pristup svakom građaninu (ili rezidentu) adekvatan stepen sigurnosti, mogućnosti i participacije. Termin univerzalne podrazumeva da su usluge dostupne svima, bez obzira na njihove prihode ili status.
Cilj ovog eseja je da predloži novi fokus leve ekonomske politike koja je decenijama unazad zaglavljena i sterilna u pogledu adresiranja potreba radničke i srednje klase. Umesto da bude mobilizovano kroz zdrav levi i demokratski populizam, levo političko telo uspešno je adresirao autokratski i društveno reakcionarni desni populizam. Ovaj esej predstavlja pokušaj redefinisanja leve ekonomske politike, bazirane na idejama i međunarodnom iskustvu ekonomske demokratije.
